Elimination of Sexual Violence in Conflict

By Gaby Goury

June 19th marks the International Day for the Elimination of Sexual Violence in conflict: a crucial point of recognition for the rights of women and girls across the globe. Non-consensual and abusive sexual acts have been used in a number of wars, across states and eras, and against both enemy soldiers and innocent civilians. At Abu Ghraib prison, for example, rape and sodomy were wielded as instruments of torture by the U.S. military: allegedly in tactics related to the War on Terror, but realistically serving to strip detainees of their dignity and humanity. Adding to this atrocity, is the use of weaponised abuse against innocent women and children, to indirectly punish, threaten, or demoralise their relatives and fellow countrymen. Sexual violence - including, but not limited to rape - is adopted alongside traditional arms and tactics as a modern form of warfare. Yet, despite being an explicit violation of the Geneva Convention, it is commonly painted as an ‘unfortunate side effect’ of conflict, a case of ‘collateral damage’; rather than an intentional and systematic tactic of destruction. This report focuses on the first ever case of sexual violence being treated and tried as a war crime, to bring light to its horror and the significance of June 19th.

The International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) is an international court of law established by the United Nations, to judicate on the atrocities of the Bosnian War (1992-1995). Among other rulings, it restructured the landscape of humanitarian law by finally declaring “the systematic rape and detention of women” an international war crime. For the first time, sexual violence was considered sufficiently horrific to tried alongside offences such as genocide or the use of WMDs.

More than 70 individuals - predominantly political and military leaders - were charged with the use of rape and similar abuses as methods of torture, crimes against humanity, and ethnic cleansing. The Bosnian War officially commenced in 1992, a result of bitten tensions during the breakup of former Yugoslavia. The state had been artificially created by Allied forces after World War II, joining the territories of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Macedonia, Montenegro, Serbia and Slovenia, along with their unique ethnic and historical identities. A socialist Republic under the USSR, it splintered during the early 90s, triggering xenophobia and violent struggles for power between its multitude of groups. Bosnia and Herzegovina became the battleground of its Muslim Bosniaks, Orthodox Serbs, and Catholic Croats, vying for control of ethnic territory. Estimates suggest that 100,000 were killed and over 2.2 million displaced over the three years.

A particularly horrifying case in the Bosnian War was the creation of “Rape Camps” by Bosnian Serb armies. Soldiers imprisoned Bosniak women in makeshift detention centres - hotels, apartments, and warehouses - in which they were bought and sold as commodities, forced to complete household chores, beaten, and subjected to rape, gang rape, and other forms of sexual assault and intimidation. Sexual violence was primarily used to physically and psychologically terrorise its victims: a way for Bosnian Serbs to exert their authority and superiority over the women. Rape, in particular, was used in attempted genocide. As in many regions, culture in the Balkans region states that a child takes the ethnicity of the father - thus, the child of a Bosniak woman would only ever carry its paternal identity. The Rape Camps of the Bosnian War essentially became sites for soldiers to impregnate their ‘enemies’ on a grand and systematic scale, forcing them to carry and birth the next Serbian generation. When combined with the murder of Bosniak men and children, this intended to entirely obliterate the population and serve Bosnia-Herzegovina into the hands of the Serbs (and Croats). According to UN estimates, up to 60,000 women were subjected to abuse by the war’s end in 1995. Many have since been ostracised from their families and communities, now burdened with the triple burden of trauma, stigma, and poverty. A shocking few have been supported by the state in their continued suffering. The children of the war were largely abandoned to run-down orphanages, with no family or true birth certificate: branded the “rape babies” or “invisible children” of the conflict. Many are now young adults, but report years of bullying, mental health issues and even an inability to integrate into society through simple luxuries such as owning a bank account or passport, because of their unregistered status. The use of sexual violence as a weapon during the Bosnian War, has thus had devastating immediate and long-lasting effects upon all victims to its atrocities.

On June 19th, We Rise recognises the victims of sexual violence in Bosnia, as well as those in preceding and succeeding conflicts. We condemn the use of sexual violence as an instrument of torture and war: non-combatants should never be reduced to the ‘side effects’ or ‘collateral damage’ of wider military campaigns, and the bodies of women and children must not continue to be violated as ‘means to an end’. We call upon governments and international bodies to regard sexual violence as a true war crime, with the same gravity that they would other breaches of the Geneva Convention. Furthermore, we call for an end to the shame and stigma with which victims of sexual violence are labelled, and for the full support of their mental and physical health, necessary to truly recover and live a better life.

Become aware and active. Rise With Us today, against sexual violence in conflict.

About the writer
Gaby is driven by African development, specifically the role of technology in boosting sustainable agriculture and energy on the continent. She co-founded AYAL (the Aspiring Young African Leaders society) and sits as its Marketing and Communications Director, in the aim of empowering and inspiring youth to become catalysts for positive change. Gaby aspires to see women take leadership positions, specifically in her country, Côte d'Ivoire, seeing this as essential to progress..